[ad_1]
This can be a pre-print excerpt from Decolonizing Politics and Theories from the Abya Yala (forthcoming 2022, E-Worldwide Relations).
Every nation interprets the worth of every good from a unique axiological scheme of preconceptions. That is the explanation why the ethical assumptions of every nation battle within the try to succeed in a world settlement to pursue environmental justice. It turns into tough to coordinate an axiological hierarchy that prioritizes environmental items over financial items. The denial of this precedence arises from the idea that ‘man’ and ‘nature’ are two reverse ideas. The Ecuadorian economist Alberto Acosta (2010) factors out that the supposed antagonism between human beings and Nature ‘is the place to begin to know the conquest and colonization of America, which crystallized cruel exploitation of pure assets’ (17; my translation). Against this, within the Quechua custom, in addition to in different Indigenous traditions, we discover a relational idea of Nature.
Though the Quechua idea of sumak kawsay is comparatively current, additionally it is deeply rooted in a conception of the human being in everlasting relationship with Nature. The final that means of this idea is expounded to dwelling in concord with Nature and group (Hidalgo, Arias, and Ávila 2014, 29–73). The axiological battle between environmental items and financial items is demolished, as a result of each are a part of the construction of ‘good dwelling’ or ‘life in fullness’. International locations like Ecuador or Bolivia have included this idea of their new political constitutions (Asamblea Constituyente de Ecuador 2008; Asamblea Constituyente de Bolivia 2009). Nonetheless, their very own ethical assumptions usually present sturdy colonial affect.
That are the ethical foundations that would maintain a world coverage so as to pursue environmental justice? This philosophical query is hidden within the background of the current analysis, however it isn’t supposed to be answered in its entirety. Since there are innumerable methods to reply that query, this chapter limits it to a selected case: might the Quechua idea sumak kawsay be certainly one of these ethical foundations? The reply (speculation) that’s argued is affirmative and relies on Latin American authors corresponding to: Eduardo Gudynas, Enrique Dussel, Alberto Acosta, Yuri Guandinango, Verónica Andino, Ana María Larrea and Salvador Schavelzon. The strategy used to reply this query is the essential analectic, structured by Dussel in his effort to discover a decolonial methodology. Per this methodology, the target of this analysis is to dialogue in regards to the Quechua idea sumak kawsay throughout the alterity of various ethical foundations for worldwide environmental insurance policies, such because the idea of growth.
Dussel’s essential analectic methodology
The Mexican thinker Enrique Dussel perceives the try and formulate a decolonial philosophy with Eurocentric strategies as a setback. That’s the reason he sees the need of a brand new methodology based mostly on the essential examine of the Hegelian dialectics and the Aristotelian methodology of analogy. To assume that Dussel’s methodology is then Aristotelian-Hegelian could be a complete misinterpretation. Quite the opposite, the analectic methodology is born as a criticism of different strategies and stands by itself deserves.
In Método para una filosofía de la liberación [Method for a philosophy of liberation], Dussel (1974) introduces the analectic second by clarifying the idea of alterity: ‘the opposite, for us, is Latin America with respect to the European totality; it’s the poor and oppressed Latin American individuals with respect to the dominating however dependent oligarchies’ (181–182; my translation). Dussel’s different is just not an absolute alterity as Levinas describes the opposite’s face. In response to the Mexican thinker, the totality is univocal; the univocity is identification. Then, the totality is against alterity.
The analectic methodology begins with the popularity of the opposite as free, as past the system of totality; subsequently begins from the revelation of the opposite and, trusting in his phrase, works, serves, creates (Dussel 1974, 182). Religion within the different’s phrase, an anthropological religion, is the precondition of this analectic second.
In response to Dussel (1974), the dialectical methodology is the dominating growth of the totality from itself; the passage from efficiency to the act of the identical (182). After this criticism, he affords an artificial definition of the analectic methodology, that’s: ‘the passage to the truthful development of the totality from the opposite and to “serve” (the opposite) creatively’ (182; my translation). The essential analectic methodology includes an train of discovering similarities within the potentialities of polysemy, as he later explains in a category on this methodology (Dussel 2016).
The described methodology guides the goals of the current chapter. As said above, this analysis goals to dialogue in regards to the Quechua idea sumak kawsay throughout the alterity of various ethical foundations for worldwide environmental insurance policies. With a view to obtain this basic goal, it’s essential to undergo a essential step and an analectic second.
The primary particular goal considerations the essential stage: the aim is to query the ethical assumptions of the idea growth as the muse of worldwide insurance policies. The explanation why it’s essential to query this idea lies in its colonial affect and its dangerous penalties for the setting. Moreover, many of the talked about Latin American authors oppose the idea of growth to the decolonial different of sumak kawsay. The second particular goal considerations the analectic stage, begin from the phrase of the opposite: the proposal is to know the polysemy of the idea in Quechua sumak kawsay as a doable ethical basis for environmental insurance policies. The levels of the analectic methodology will culminate in what Dussel calls thefair development of the totality from the opposite and to serve (the opposite) creatively. Due to this fact, the essential examine of the idea of growth will deliver alternate options based mostly on completely different ethical assumptions so as to scale back the environmental affect.
It’s essential to make clear that this chapter doesn’t try to research Abya Yala’s environmental insurance policies on the whole. Its method doesn’t belong to the realm of political science or worldwide legislation. The reflection intends to be philosophical and presents some potentialities of understanding slightly than concrete realities. This analysis is restricted to the axiological and ethical scope of recent constitutional proposals from two particular international locations: Ecuador and Bolivia. The examine of the idea of sumak kawsay linked to the relational Andean worldview goals to query the economy-focused conception of Nature. For that reason, it’s carried out from the attitude of a essential have a look at typical growth. That’s the reason the time period Abya Yala is used to refer Latin America, as a result of it means ‘Mature Land’, in accordance with the historic Kuna Indigenous group (Carrera and Ruiz 2016, 12). Given the maturity of this land, it doesn’t make sense to place right here the underdevelopment label.
Important description of the idea ‘growth’
The International Forest Watch’s ‘World forest map and tree cowl change knowledge’(2020) reveals that Bolivia ranks fourth among the many international locations with the very best lack of major forests. An etiological examine of deforestation on this nation, between 2000 and 2010, remarks the three most important direct causes: livestock in sown pastures, mechanized agriculture and small-scale agriculture (Müller et al. 2014, 20). From that decade to the current, the causes stay the identical. These have solely turn out to be stronger and stronger. Regardless of the immense meals manufacturing at the price of the destruction of major forests, 15.5% of the inhabitants of this identical nation is undernourished (FAO et al. 2020, 8). This unlucky irony stems from the hope of financial development based mostly on the export of uncooked supplies.
In response to Alberto Acosta (2010), from the conquest and colonization of America ‘an extractivist scheme was cast to export Nature from the colonies based mostly on the capital accumulation calls for of the metropolises’ (17; my translation). The contradiction between precarious meals safety and unbridled meals manufacturing in Bolivia is the results of an financial scheme based 5 centuries in the past within the midst of colonial violence.
As a colonial residue, growing international locations conceive growth as blind financial development with out many environmental issues. Brazil, the nation with the very best lack of major forests (International Forest Watch 2020), carries the slogan of Order and progress on its flag. It’s underneath dialogue whether or not Brazil ought to be thought of a growing nation or not. This dialogue considers financial development greater than its ranges of inequality, excessive poverty, and environmental affect.
Amartya Sen (2000) describes as ‘slim views of growth those that establish growth with the expansion of gross nationwide product, or with the rise in private incomes, or with industrialization, or with technological advance, or with social modernization’ (3). These slim views had their penalties on the established order of an unfair and anthropocentric construction. In response to the Ecuadorian anthropologist Ana María Larrea (2010), the idea of growth was constructed from a colonialist perspective and is now in disaster because of the poor outcomes it has generated all through the world (15; my translation). These poor outcomes embody environmental affect, starvation, inequality, and many others. In all probability, due to these penalties, the sort of growth can’t be sustained all through time. This tempo of indefinite progress essentially implies a collapse because of the traits of the pure world, therefore the necessity to mix the idea of growth with sustainability.
Though for Wolfgang Sachs (1999) the sustainable growth mixture is an oxymoron, no less than its intention offers us a little bit hope. The Uruguayan researcher Eduardo Gudynas (2003) distinguishes between conventional growth and sustainable growth, criticizing the primary one with out ceasing to debate the second.
The proposal is to criticize the idea of growth however to not destroy it radically. It will be Manichean to assume that the biased conception of growth is in charge for all of the ills that have an effect on the setting and the human group. Moreover, it will be unfair to disregard the virtues that this mannequin has offered on the potential of structuring massive populations, granting sure meals safety to a relative majority. However, it will even be naive to assume that typical growth really improves our state of affairs in some respects with out making it worse in others. As well as, it improves the state of affairs of some beings making it worse for others.
In response to Gudynas and Acosta (2011), within the Nineteen Forties, the idea of growth outlined as a progressive linearity or as the alternative of underdevelopment started to be formalized (73). Nevertheless, the authors level out that in actuality ‘what’s noticed on this planet is a generalized “dangerous growth”, present even in international locations thought of as developed’ (Gudynas and Acosta 2011, 73; my translation). The connection between this dangerous growth and the gradual destruction of the setting is decisive. The belief of blind progressive linearity causes progressive injury as effectively. This sort of ethical assumption, the place the very best good is financial worth, interrupts worldwide treaties geared toward defending the setting. Probably the most shocking factor about this assumption is its skill to disregard the irreducible relationship between economics and environmental justice.
One of many most important notions connected to the progressive destruction of the pure wealth of the growing international locations is extractivism. Gudynas (2015) defines this idea as ‘a kind of extraction of pure assets, in massive quantity or excessive depth, that are primarily oriented to be exported as uncooked supplies with none processing or with minimal processing’ (13; my translation). This sort of export condemns the Abya Yala nations to the bottom revenue in financial phrases and the very best loss in environmental phrases. Furthermore, in accordance with the aforementioned examine, third era extractivisms have been the reason for most social conflicts in Latin America (Gudynas 2015, 24). The Uruguayan researcher not solely denounces the environmental penalties of extractivism, but additionally its social issues and ethical conflicts.
Gudynas dedicates a complete part to ethics and values within the conclusions of his guide Extractivismos: ecología, economía y política de un modo de entender el desarrollo y la Naturaleza [Extractivisms: ecology, economics and politics from a way of understanding development and Nature](2015). On this part, he factors out that there’s an axiological part that cuts throughout all ranges: ‘from the cultural bases of growth methods to extractivist implementations with all their environmental, financial, political and social implications’ (433; my translation). In response to Gudynas, this part is the results of an anthropocentric ethic the place ‘values are solely assigned by human beings, and so they prevail straight linked to human advantages and desires’ (434). The current chapter considers that not even human advantages and desires are prioritized, for the reason that environmental affect has huge destructive penalties on the well-being of probably the most susceptible sectors of the human group. What is usually prioritized is a cut up financial worth, briefly separated from its rapid materials worth.
Gudynas (2015) provides that the ‘restoration of different values in nature, and particularly when its personal rights are acknowledged, is just not solely an antidote to extractivism, however can be an alternative choice to that anthropocentric ethic’ (434; my translation). The ethical assumptions of conventional growth are decided by the conception of ‘nature’.
Within the Nineteen Eighties, a brand new flip within the conceptions of nature started with a perspective originated within the financial system: ‘from completely different beginning factors and conceptual choices, a number of authors started to contemplate nature as a type of capital’ (Gudynas 2003, 23; my translation). A pattern of the sort of economy-focused conception is the extensively used expression of pure assets. This explains the truth that international locations like Bolivia or Brazil see deforestation as a type of financial progress. Developmental extractivism condemns these international locations to their very own put on and tear. Worldwide logic forces them to decide on this type of financial system, as a result of the ethical basis of this logic lies within the polysemic worth of progress.
As a result of polysemy of the idea of growth or progress, it may be used for very completely different functions, even opposite to one another. A logical consequence of conceiving nature as a type of capital is the interpretation of financial progress because the exploitation of this capital. Against this, more moderen notions corresponding to sustainability embody preserving the setting as a part of growth. For that reason, whether it is interpreted within the earlier sense, the time period sustainable growth itself might sound contradictory.
Nevertheless, even within the sustainability of a growth extra courteous with nature there are additionally ethical assumptions that Gudynas would name anthropocentric. Moreover, Sachs’s critique of the idea of sustainable growth reveals that this try and protect the setting is finally an try and protect the tempo of financial development.
In an article entitled ‘Los derechos de la naturaleza en serio: respuestas y aportes desde la ecología política [The rights of Nature seriously: responses and contributions from political ecology]’ (2011), Gudynas raises the next argument: ‘if the rights of nature are taken significantly, their very own values seem, but additionally the chains of an solely financial valuation are damaged’ (255; my translation). What the current chapter proposes is a decolonizing effort to take significantly the rights of nature.
Sumak kawsay as a doable ethical basis for environmental insurance policies
The economy-focused conception of nature leads the paradigm of typical growth in Latin American international locations. However, cultures that bestow on nature an immense and even sacred worth nonetheless inhabit many of those international locations. The circumstances that match the aim of this chapter are Bolivia and Ecuador.
Though in Bolivia and Ecuador there are licensed opinions that promote extractivism, there may be additionally an try and discover within the Andean custom alternate options to the dominant conception of nature. Given the oral character of this custom, there’s a risk that the idea of sumak kawsay could also be really a brand new development. Yuri Guandinango (2013) factors out that this notion ‘is just not express in Indigenous communities; since many of the communities of the Ecuadorian highlands are traversed by historic processes which have reconfigured the experiential practices; such is the case of agroecological and sociocultural techniques’ (14; my translation). Nonetheless, more than likely this notion is in line with a relational conception of nature that’s deeply rooted in an Indigenous worldview.
Pablo Mamani (2011, as cited in Schavelzon 2015) lists the phrases that would approximate a definition or translation of the idea of sumak kawsay: ‘richness of life’; ‘realizing stay life’; ‘angle’; ‘be filled with nice coronary heart’; and even ‘good die’. In Bolivia, the state assumes as a precept the Aymara model of excellent dwelling: sumaj qamaña. Javier Medina (2001) interprets it to the next phrases: ‘good life’, ‘life high quality’, ‘wellbeing’, ‘life-style’, ‘good dwelling’, ‘happiness’, ‘pleasure’, ‘felicity’ (26). Xavier Albó (2011) proposes different definitions for qamaña: ‘stay’, ‘dwell’, ‘relaxation’, ‘shelter’ and ‘care for others’. Consequently, in accordance with Albó, the interpretation of sumaj qamaña is: ‘good dwelling collectively or dwelling effectively collectively’. Concerning the polysemy of those phrases in Quechua and Aymara, Salvador Schavelzon (2015) says: ‘the problem in defining a signifier tells us in regards to the starting of a journey the place conceptions of life and completely different worlds are translated and delimited for the development of political ideas’ (181; my translation). Nevertheless, because of this phenomenon, it’s doable to use Dussel’s analectic methodology, the place completely different horizons dialogue because of a risk of analogy in polysemy.
The brand new constitutions of Ecuador and Bolivia introduce the ideas of sumak kawsay and sumaj qamaña as a political undertaking. Article 275 of Constitución de la República de Ecuador (2008) factors out: ‘The event regime is the organized, sustainable and dynamic set of financial, political, socio-cultural and environmental techniques, which assure the conclusion of the great dwelling, from sumak kawsay’ (135; my translation). Since, in its structure, Ecuador is introduced as a republic and never as a plurinational state, the precept of sumak kawsay is utilized as a generality. Within the Bolivian case, sumaj qamaña is an ethical-moral precept amongst numerous rules from different nations of the state. Article 8 of the Second Chapter of Constitución Política del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia (2009; my translation) establishes: ‘The State assumes and promotes as ethical-moral rules of plural society: ama qhilla, ama llulla, ama sua (don’t be lazy, don’t be a liar, don’t be a thief), suma qamaña (good dwelling), ñandereko (harmonious life), teko kavi (good life), ivi maraei (land with out evil) and qhapaj ñan (noble approach or life)’. The ideas extracted from the Guaraní custom don’t conflict with the relational notion of nature attribute of the sumak kawsay. Particularly ñandereko and teko kavi have a formidable resemblance to the Andean ideas of excellent life. Though it will be silly to confuse these notions as if they’d the identical meanings and had been originated in the identical traditions, they may all be introduced as alternate options to standard financial growth.
Yuri Guadinango (2013) separates the lecturers who clarify the discourse of excellent dwelling from completely different views into three teams in accordance with their positions: ‘the followers of group A promote good dwelling as an alternative choice to growth; these in group B place good dwelling in step with twenty first century socialism; and people in group C perceive good dwelling as a part of growth theories’ (19; my translation). This chapter belongs particularly to the place of group A, as a result of group C means that the idea of sumak kawsay might turn out to be a reinforcement of the dominant paradigm of conventional growth. Nevertheless, there are causes to current this idea as a really completely different different because of its risk of founding environmental insurance policies: (1) the Andean relational worldview; (2) the criticism of the logic of capital accumulation; (3) the popularity of intrinsic values in nature.
What does the notion of Andean relational worldview imply? This primary purpose is linked to what Gudynas and Acosta (2011) referred to as a ‘house occupied by the concepts encompassed underneath the label of “Good Residing”’ (76; my translation). These ‘concepts originated in conventional Andean information, centered on the well-being of individuals and defenders of one other kind of relationship with the setting, shortly managed to affect the controversy on growth, and turn out to be new alternate options to it’ (Gudynas and Acosta 2011, 76; my translation). The worldview that considerations the idea of Good Residing doesn’t conceive of the human being as a topic separated from the thing so-called nature. The human being is just one a part of the chakana, the ‘bridge on the prime’, which unites nature, the non secular world, the human group and the ancestors (Flores Rengifo 2018). Though sumak kawsay is just not a purely ancestral idea and is combined with very current political initiatives, the coherence between this idea and the relational construction of the Andean conventional conception of nature is infamous. Within the Andean relational worldview, we aren’t the masters and antagonists of nature, however solely part of the relation between all beings which are united by the chakana. Good Residing is just not mere human well-being, however slightly a sure concord of complementarity between all beings.
It’s exactly this worldview that challenges growth to decentralize its anthropocentric method. As Verónica Andino (2010) asserts, ‘the problem posed by the Sumak Kawsay paradigm is to consciously dislodge the logic of capital accumulation, with its corollary within the idea of growth, from the central place it occupied within the imaginary of the Ecuadorians of what a greater society represents’ (101; my translation). That is the aforementioned second purpose: the criticism of the logic of capital accumulation. If the middle is not the human being however the chakana, then the economy-focused logic loses its that means. With the ethical foundations displaced, the edifice of typical growth collapses and an alternate risk of grounding environmental insurance policies emerges.
Why environmental insurance policies particularly? That is what the third purpose is geared toward: the popularity of intrinsic values in nature. The 2 earlier causes converge on this one. The decentralization of worth permits for ethical diversification. The next assertion is the philosophical criticism of Gudynas (2015): ‘dissolution of ethics is what makes tolerable the repeated violation of the rights of individuals and of nature as a method of extractionist imposition’ (434; my translation). Due to this fact, a reconstruction of an ethic that takes significantly the rights of nature is a sine qua non situation for the proposal of inexperienced insurance policies. Gudynas provides: ‘For that reason, conceptions corresponding to Good Residing or the rights of nature are undoubtedly alternate options, however they turn out to be substantial when selling moral adjustments that open the doorways to different valuations, thus producing penalties on many ranges’ (Gudynas 2015, 434; my translation). These penalties are straight associated to a mitigation of our environmental affect.
The three causes introduced assist the understanding of sumak kawsay as a substitute risk of ethical basis of environmental insurance policies. The polysemy of this time period is a fertile area for dialogue. That is the explanation why this idea represents a decolonial level the place the nationwide horizon of Ecuador and Bolivia can meet the worldwide horizon of the remainder of Abya Yala. Environmental insurance policies are inevitably worldwide insurance policies as a result of even home provisions can have an effect on the remainder of the world. Due to this fact, it’s essential to search for completely different ideas corresponding to sumak kawsay that may characterize extra nations of their polysemy than these which are represented by the univocal idea of typical growth.
Conclusions
Is the Quechua idea sumak kawsay one of many doable ethical foundations that would maintain a world coverage so as to pursue environmental justice? All through this chapter, an affirmative reply has been argued. In addition to different notions of the varied cultures of Abya Yala, the idea of sumak kawsay is a fertile ethical basis for the pursuit and consolidation of worldwide insurance policies that promote environmental justice.
The argumentation has gone by two methodological moments to succeed in that conclusion. Step one was a essential examine: the idea of typical developmentwas questioned for its penalties on the setting. The studying of Gudynas, Acosta and Larrea revealed that this idea relies on the colonial financial system consolidated later by industrial manufacturing calls for. The second methodological second was analectic: the polysemy of the idea in Quechua sumak kawsay was understood as a risk of ethical basis for inexperienced insurance policies. ‘Life in fullness’is conditioned by concord with nature and group. Which means the financial values that concern the satisfaction of the human wants don’t contradict the environmental values. The explanation lies within the relational conception of nature. This idea might represent a decolonial ethical basis for inexperienced insurance policies as a result of it gives alternate options to standard growth.
Sumak kawsay is just not a magical idea that may robotically resolve all of the environmental challenges of our time, but it surely may very well be an ethical basis different to the one which conceives nature solely based mostly on financial standards. This basis constitutes an axiological system that would morally base worldwide agreements so as to protect the setting in Abya Yala. At the very least there may be already some extent in widespread between Ecuador and Bolivia, which Dussel would name analectic.
When the nationwide decision-making threatens environmental justice, worldwide issues should begin from the dialogue of ethical assumptions in the direction of the seek for alternate options, completely different from the conceptual construction that led to the dangerous penalties. The premise that helps this conclusion is that even inside a rustic that causes and suffers an environmental affect, there could also be axiological hierarchies in battle, additionally conditioned by the dominant paradigm on a world scale.
References
Acosta, Alberto. El Buen Vivir en el camino del post-desarrollo. Una lectura desde la Constitución de Montecristi. Quito: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2010.
Albó, Xavier. “Suma qamaña = convivir bien. ¿Cómo medirlo?” In Vivir Bien: ¿paradigma no capitalista?, edited by Ivonne Farah and Luciano Vasapollo,133–144. La Paz: CIDES, 2011.
Andino, Verónica. “Continuidades y rupturas entre los enfoques de economía solidaria y desarrollo native.” In Diálogos sobre Economía social y Solidaria en Ecuador, edited by Yolanda Jubeto, Luis Guridi and Maité Fernández-Villa, 59–148. Bilbao: Instituto Hegoa, 2010.
Asamblea Constituyente de Bolivia. Constitución Política del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia. La Paz: Corte Nacional Electoral, 2009.
Asamblea Constituyente de Ecuador. Constitución de la República de Ecuador. Quito: Asamblea Constituyente de Ecuador, 2008.
Carrera, Beatriz, and Ruiz, Zara. “Prólogo.” In Abya Yala Wawageykuna. Artes, saberes y vivencias de indígenas americanos, edited by Beatriz Carrera and Zara Ruiz, 12–17. México-España: Patrimonio Cultural Iberoamericano, 2016.
Dussel, Enrique. “Curso sobre el método analéctico crítico.” Class lecture at Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Ciudad de México, February 3, 2016.
Dussel, Enrique. Método para una filosofía de la liberación. Superación analéctica de la dialéctica hegeliana. Salamanca: Ediciones Sígueme, 1974.
FAO, FIDA, OPS, WFP, and UNICEF. Panorama de seguridad alimentaria y nutricional en América Latina y el Caribe: seguridad alimentaria y nutricional para los territorios más rezagados. Santiago de Chile: Organización de Naciones Unidas para la Alimentación y la Agricultura, 2020.
Flores Rengifo, María Gabriela. “La Chakana y los saberes ancestrales del Pueblo Kayambi.” B. A. diss., Universidad Central del Ecuador, 2018.
International Forest Watch. “Interactive World Forest Map and Tree Cowl Change Information.” International Forest Watch Map. Accesed Could 20, 2021. https://www.globalforestwatch.org/map/
Guandinango, Yuri. “Sumak Kawsay – Buen Vivir. Comprensión teórica y práctica vivencial comunitaria, aportes para el Ranti Ranti de conocimientos.” MSc diss., Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, 2013.
Gudynas, Eduardo, and Acosta, Alberto. “La renovación de la crítica al desarrollo y el buen vivir como alternativa.” Revista internacional de filosofía iberoamericana y teoría social 53 (April 2011): 71–83.
Gudynas, Eduardo. “Los derechos de la Naturaleza en serio: respuestas y aportes desde la ecología política.” In La Naturaleza con derechos. De la filosofía a la práctica, edited by Alberto Acosta and Esperanza Martínez, 239–286. Quito: Abya-Yala, 2011.
Gudynas, Eduardo. Ecología, economía y ética del desarrollo sostenible. Quito: Ediciones Abya-Yala, 2003.
Gudynas, Eduardo. Extractivismos. Ecología, economía y política de un modo de entender el desarrollo y la Naturaleza. Cochabamba: CLAES-CEDIB, 2015.
Hidalgo, Antonio Luis, Arias, Alexander, and Ávila, Javier. “El pensamiento indigenista ecuatoriano sobre el Sumak Kawsay.” In Sumak Kawsay Yuyay. Antología del pensamiento indigenista ecuatoriano sobre Sumak Kawsay edited by Antonio Luis Hidalgo, Alejandro Guillén, and Nancy Deleg, 29-73. Huelva: Universidad de Huelva and Universidad de Cuenca, 2014.
Larrea, Ana María. “La disputa de sentidos por el buen vivir como proceso contrahegemónico.” In Los nuevos retos de América Latina. Socialismo y sumak kawsay, edited by Secretaría Nacional de Planificación y Desarrollo, 15–27. Quito: SENPLADES, 2010.
Müller, Robert, Larrea-Alcázar, Daniel, Cuéllar, Saul, and Espinoza, Sara. “Causas directas de la deforestación reciente (2000-2010) y modelado de dos escenarios futuros en las tierras bajas de Bolivia.” Ecología en Bolivia 49, no. 1 (April 2014): 20–34.
Sachs, Wolfgang. Planet dialectics. Explorations in setting and growth. London: Zed Books, 1999.
Schavelzon, Salvador. Plurinacionalidad y Vivir Bien/Buen Vivir. Dos conceptos leídos desde Bolivia y Ecuador post-constituyentes. Quito: Abya-Yala, 2015.
Sen, Amartya. Improvement as freedom. New York: Anchor Books, 2000.
Additional Studying on E-Worldwide Relations
[ad_2]
Source link