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In August 2014, the Sinjar district grew to become the scene of mass executions carried out by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) towards the Yazidi group, an ethnoreligious minority group of whom the realm in northern Iraq is broadly often known as their ancestral homeland.[1] Throughout this bloodbath, recognised as a genocide by the UN, ISIS captured 1000’s of ladies and women, some as younger as 9.[2] The group engaged in widespread sexual violence towards the Yazidis within the years following. Yazidi girls, previously held by the group as intercourse slaves, describe having endured rape, compelled marriage, and compelled abortion.[3] But the sexual slavery of ISIS has prolonged far past bodily hurt. A 3rd of the enslaved Yazidis stay lacking, and survivors proceed to face obstacles to reconciliation.[4]
Apart from its legacy that demonstrates the significance of taking note of the Islamic State’s sexual slavery, the causes of the group’s sexual violence stay poorly understood.[5] Many have merely sought to explain reasonably than perceive the crimes dedicated towards the feminine Yazidis.[6] Furthermore, whereas the media broadly reported that ISIS wielded sexual violence indiscriminately, others have pointed to the systematic manner wherein feminine Yazidis had been focused.[7] Including to this puzzle is that sexual violence can undermine the credibility of terrorists and their calls for.[8] This begs questions as to why and for what functions ISIS nonetheless engaged in it. As such, this essay asks: To what extent can present theories of conflict-related sexual violence clarify the Islamic State’s sexual enslavement of the Yazidis?
The rest of this essay is organised as follows. First, three theories are outlined which have been proposed to clarify variations in conflict-related sexual violence. Following an summary of the strategies used for this essay, the patterns of ISIS’ sexual slavery of the Yazidis can be analysed utilizing these three theoretical lenses. The essay will subsequent elaborate on the distinctive patterns of sexual violence current within the case of ISIS. Lastly, the conclusion displays on the principle query and proposes a route for additional analysis.
Three Explanations for Battle Associated Sexual Violence
Whereas sexual violence was lengthy assumed to be an inevitable by-effect of battle, UNSCR 1820 marked a paradigm shift. Within the decision, adopted in 2008, the UN for the primary time recognised sexual violence as a “tactic of warfare”.[9] A consensus adopted that sexual violence can and needs to be prohibited in occasions of battle. But sexual violence stays tough to stop, as its incidence varies between and even inside conflicts.[10] Whereas some insurgent organisations have carried out giant and organised campaigns of sexual violence, others have kept away from it.[11] Certainly, there have been ample instances the place wartime sexual violence has been fully absent.[12] By now, a number of theoretical explanations have been provided to account for these variations. There are those that purport sexual violence happens, first, as a technique; second, as a possibility; and third, as a apply (Wooden 2014: 462). It’s price noting that this distinction is primarily for analytical functions. Battle-related sexual violence is an inherently complicated phenomenon, and so it’s unlikely that anyone concept can totally clarify the noticed patterns of violence.[13]
The primary rationalization states that terrorist teams make use of sexual violence as a deliberate tactic to terrorise civilians and coerce residents into compliance.[14] Different steadily cited tactical features of sexual violence are that it could be used to supply a brand new era of fighters by impregnating girls [15] or to generate financial income by participating in slave commerce.[16] Knowledgeable by UNSCR 1820, sexual violence could in line with this rationalization thus be employed as a technique in an try and safe and develop social, ideological and territorial management.
Conversely, the second rationalization assumes that sexual violence happens as a spontaneous act, merely because of the alternative battle facilitates in fostering a local weather of impunity.[17] In keeping with this rationalization, conflict-related sexual violence transpires within the absence of a deliberate technique however reasonably happens due to particular person motivations;[18] male’s organic sexual wants;[19] or state collapse and the dissolution of authorized programs.[20] Echoing feminist scholar Susan Brownmiller’s notion of conflict-related sexual violence who argued that “warfare gives males with a tacit license to rape”,[21] this rationalization assumes that masculinity generates the incentives for sexual violence to happen — whereas battle facilitates the beneficial situations underneath which these could also be carried out.
This understanding, nonetheless, can not totally clarify why some combatants have interaction in sexual violence whereas others don’t.[22] The third rationalization holds that conflict-related sexual violence also can happen as a apply. This concept sees conflict-related sexual violence as a product of social interactions and pressures reasonably than particular person motivations or organic precursors.[23] It assumes peacetime gender relations and socio-cultural norms play a big position in using sexual violence by terrorists and conflict-related sexual violence is as such thought-about a social phenomenon.[24] This rationalization asserts that conflict-related sexual violence is neither an adopted technique nor restricted to particular person actions. Opposite to the previous explanations, it attributes a major position to socialisation within the incidence of conflict-related sexual violence.[25]
Strategies
Within the following, the essay first outlines the Islamic State’s patterns of sexual slavery of the Yazidis. Subsequent, will probably be evaluated to what extent these patterns might be understood by the theoretical lenses of conflict-related sexual violence outlined above, of (1) technique, (2) alternative and (3) apply. To make these theories operational, their observable implications had been decided as follows.
First, if the group’s sexual slavery is strategic, it’s anticipated to be institutionalised and ordered, utilized in pursuit of the group’s political targets.[26] Because of this ISIS employs sexual slavery to extend its ideological and territorial affect;[27] to impose sectarian hierarchies;[28] to generate financial income;[29] or to extend its total variety of fighters.[30] If, nonetheless, ISIS’ sexual slavery can be opportunistic, it’s anticipated to happen indiscriminately and to be carried out for particular person causes reasonably than group targets. An extra implication anticipated on this case is that sexual violence happens along with different forms of violence towards the focused particular person, equivalent to looting and killing.[31] Lastly, for ISIS’ sexual slavery to be thought-about a apply, it’s anticipated to happen as a consequence of social incentives, therefore tolerated reasonably than purposefully applied as coverage.[32] Sexual slavery could on this case be the end result of the group’s social and patriarchal norms and tradition. Moreover, it’s anticipated to create social cohesion among the many group’s members and persists as a consequence of social stress.
To evaluate these implications, a mixture of secondary and first sources can be analysed. The consulted secondary sources consist of educational literature and reviews of NGO’s and the UN. These are complemented by interviews and testimonies of former Yazidi captives, a Q&A on sexual slavery ISIS printed in 2015 and, lastly, the fourth and ninth problems with ISIS’ propaganda journal Dabiq, as these include articles that debate its sexual enslavement of the Yazidis intimately. Combining these totally different sources will make it doable to triangulate between sources to extend the credibility of the findings.
Context: The Islamic State’s sexual slavery
As a Salafi-jihadist organisation, ISIS adheres to a extremely patriarchal ideology wherein conventional gender relations and -norms take centre stage. Following its genocide towards the Yazidis in August 2014, ISIS took management over the Sinjar area, seized and enslaved roughly 7,000 Yazidi girls and compelled them to transform to Islam.[33] Till 2017, ISIS handled Yazidi girls and women brutally. Former captives had been subjected to every day rape, extreme bodily and emotional abuse, compelled abortion, and compelled marriage.[34] ISIS regulated its slavery by buying and selling markets inside and throughout the Syrian and Iraqi borders.[35] To maintain this trafficking system and to facilitate routine rape, Yazidi girls had been compelled to take contraceptives.[36] Slaves that had been categorized economically most respected, for instance younger women, had been gifted to the group’s commanders.[37] Furthermore, frequently, ISIS additionally gifted Yazidi girls to its members as rewards.[38]
ISIS has referred to as its seize and enslavement of the Yazidis a “firmly established facet of the Shari’a”.[39] By publishing a number of paperwork on its enslavement of the Yazidis, ISIS subjected its slavery to varied guidelines derived from Shari’a regulation and the Quran and Hadith. These guidelines decide when it’s lawful to have sexual activity with slaves, present tips for his or her therapy, and regulate the punishments that apply when slaves misbehave.[40] For instance, ISIS prohibits its fighters to have sexual activity with pregnant girls or to have interaction in sexual relations with slaves of whom it’s not the unique proprietor.[41] Lastly, it’s price noting that though ISIS kept away from enslaving different minorities on the same scale to the Yazidis, the group focused different social teams with different types of sexual violence, equivalent to rape and compelled marriage.[42] Having outlined this context, this essay proceeds to analyse the extent to which the sexual enslavement of the Yazidis might be defined by the theoretical lenses of conflict-related sexual violence talked about above. Mentioned within the following are the lenses of (1) technique, (2) alternative and (3) apply respectively.
Concentrating on the Yazidis: A technique
First, the extent to which ISIS’ sexual slavery was regulated by markets, tariffs and registration websites point out that it was extremely institutionalised.[43] Furthermore, ISIS has described Yazidi girls as “pagans”, “infidels” and “apostates”, whereas contending that they “willingly accepted Islam (…) after their exit from the darkness of shirk [disbelief]”.[44] Together with testimonies from former captives who declare to have been forcibly transformed to Islam, these designations present an try by ISIS to extend its ideological affect.[45] By focusing on the Yazidis individually, ISIS has sought to impose sectarian hierarchies on the collective stage.[46] As such, each the excessive diploma of institutionalisation and the subjugation of Yazidi girls due to their spiritual id recommend a technique.
Nevertheless, the strategic part of ISIS’ sexual slavery is weakened because the group compelled Yazidis to make use of contraceptives to maintain routine rape and trafficking and to bear abortions.[47] This contradicts the notion that sexual slavery could also be employed to extend the general variety of followers.[48] Additional weakening the strategic worth of ISIS’ sexual slavery is that ‘useful’ Yazidi slaves had been gifted to the group’s commanders.[49] This implies that ISIS regulated its slave commerce primarily to fulfill the sexual wants of its militants in an try and create social cohesion reasonably than to generate financial income. Furthermore, as a result of ISIS already managed the Sinjar space since its genocide in 2014, it’s unlikely that the group engaged in sexual slavery the years after to develop its territorial affect. A ultimate and maybe most important level that questions the applicability of this concept is that whereas ISIS approves of its sexual slavery, it’s not essentially ordered. This might have been anticipated within the case of this rationalization. Members of the group will not be obligated to take part in sexual slavery, or are punished in the event that they abstain from doing so.[50]
Concentrating on the Yazidis: A possibility
Contemplating the extremely institutionalised method wherein ISIS organised its sexual slavery described above, it’s unlikely that the group’s fighters engaged in sexual slavery as a spontaneous act. This isn’t to say particular person motivations have performed no position in particular instances of Yazidi enslavement. But, its excessive diploma of management and regulation recommend that the enslavement of the Yazidis initiated and persevered as a consequence of group constructions reasonably than particular person incentives. Furthermore, ISIS’ (2015b) authorized restrictions and guidelines on sexual slavery derived from Shari’a regulation recommend that the victimisation of Yazidi girls was not indiscriminate. Extra typically, the selective focusing on of the Yazidis in itself disputes the indiscriminate nature of the group’s violence.
Though Yazidis had been closely abused when held as slaves, this needs to be seen as a part of the group’s establishment of slavery reasonably than stemming from spontaneous acts of violence that weren’t explicitly addressed or justified on behalf of the group. For instance, ISIS authorised “darb ta’deeb”, disciplinary beatings, however prohibited “darb al-ta’dheeb”, torture beating.[51] Furthermore, the group constrained its slavery to clear tips and subsequently didn’t rape or abuse Yazidi girls outdoors this establishment.[52] Such ‘restrictions’ on violence wouldn’t have been anticipated within the case of this rationalization, whereas different crimes apart from sexual slavery towards the focused particular person would.
Concentrating on the Yazidis: A apply
Lastly, to look at whether or not the sexual slavery of ISIS might be understood as a apply, it’s key to think about the position of social incentives and norms. On this respect, ISIS justified its sexual slavery by invoking its patriarchal gender beliefs, for instance by stating that the enslavement of the Yazidis restored their “honour” and “purity”.[53] Furthermore, as a result of ISIS focused girls belonging to different social teams with different types of sexual violence, notably rape and compelled marriage.[54] This implies that ISIS’ sexual slavery might be considered an consequence of societal discrimination towards girls extra typically. It’s, subsequently, probably that Yazidi girls had been focused as a product of the group’s hypermasculine and patriarchal ideology.
On this manner, the subjugation of the Yazidis instilled a way of gender hierarchy in ISIS fighters.[55] This means that ISIS’ sexual slavery might be thought-about a type of social stress, as participating in sexual slavery could have confirmed the combatants’ masculinity. An extra method wherein social pressures among the many group’s members could have performed a job is for spiritual causes. ISIS referred to these opposing sexual slavery as “apostatising from Islam”.[56] Lastly, the change of intercourse slaves as presents and rewards created social cohesion among the many group’s members.[57] In keeping with this rationalization, these options mixed reveal the significance of social norms, cohesion and stress that has undergirded ISIS’ patterns of sexual slavery.
Regardless of these similarities, this theoretical rationalization can not clarify why ISIS kept away from enslaving different ethnoreligious minorities thought-about their ideological enemies on a scale just like that of the Yazidis.[58] This might have been anticipated if its impetuses had been societal discrimination, stress or cohesion. Equally, the extremely institutionalised and top-down patterns of ISIS’ sexual slavery make the applicability of this theoretical rationalization questionable.[59] Lastly, contradicting the core premise of this rationalization, ISIS explicitly addressed and exalted its sexual slavery. This means that the Yazidis had been subjected to sexual violence not solely as a result of it was tolerated, however as a result of the group thought-about it righteous.
Concentrating on the Yazidis: Distinctive patterns
Having linked ISIS’ patterns of sexual slavery to those theoretical explanations, it turns into clear that the group’s focusing on of the Yazidis can’t be totally defined by one in every of these theories. Though the technique and apply theories present partial perception, these too can not clarify why ISIS explicitly proclaimed its sexual slavery with out explicitly ordering it or, on this sense, merely tolerating it. To higher perceive these patterns, it’s worthwhile to think about how ISIS itself perceived the utility of its sexual slavery.
As famous, ISIS put forth a number of limitations and permissions derived from the Shari’a and Quran as to how feminine captives needs to be handled. Primarily based on these guidelines, it set out the circumstances underneath which sexual activity with slaves is and isn’t permitted. This means that the group sought to restrict its sexual slavery to a particular set of non secular tips to rationalise its acts. By contending that the Yazidis had been captured on “Allah’s command”, ISIS makes an attempt to justify its sexual slavery not by imposing it as a gaggle — reasonably, it frames it as being religiously authorised.[60] Primarily based on this reconfiguration of Islam, ISIS not solely considers the enslavement of the Yazidis to be in “Allah’s favour”, however even refers to it as being prompted by a “permission of Allah”.[61] This constitutes a transcendental motivation for its sexual slavery, pointing to a particular sample of violence that can’t sufficiently be captured by the examined explanations.
The justifications ISIS affords for its sexual slavery are extraordinarily useful for enhancing our understanding of conflict-related sexual violence. They supply a uncommon perception into the rationale of a terrorist group that has resorted to sexual violence. That is particularly vital as a result of assessments of the utility of conflict-related sexual violence are sometimes primarily based on assumptions.[62] The spiritual motivations which underpinned the subjugation of the Yazidis aligns with concepts of Revkin and Wooden, who argue that ISIS’ ideology dictated distinct insurance policies of (sexual) violence towards totally different social teams.[63] In mild of the dominant paradigm of conflict-related sexual violence — wherein it’s understood both as a strategic, spontaneous or social phenomenon — the transcendental components central to ISIS’ sexual slavery recommend that the position of ideological elements in condoning conflict-related sexual violence advantage additional exploration.
Conclusion
Within the years following the Sinjar assault on the Yazidi group in 2014, 1000’s of Yazidi girls have been subjected to widespread sexual slavery by ISIS. Within the wake of the group’s affect, a lot stays unknown concerning the motivations behind the Islamic State’s sexual slavery of the Yazidis. This contribution aspired to make clear these patterns by analyzing the extent to which present theoretical explanations of conflict-related sexual violence can clarify ISIS’ sexual enslavement of the Yazidis.
Three explanations of conflict-related sexual violence had been adopted as a lens, specifically people who purport sexual violence happens as a technique, as a apply and as a possibility. The primary two provided partial solutions. Notably, the excessive diploma of institutionalisation, social pressures and the significance of gender hierarchies that undergirded ISIS’ patterns of sexual slavery are consistent with these explanations. Conversely, the explanatory worth of the chance concept was undermined primarily by the group’s selective and methodical focusing on of Yazidi girls. Regardless of the partial solutions that the primary two theories might present, ISIS rationalised its sexual slavery by promulgating it as “Allah’s command” reasonably than a gaggle’s mandate. This factors to a transcendent and distinctive sample of violence insufficiently defined by any of the present theories.[64]
The findings of this essay are exploratory in nature. Nonetheless, the transcendental steering underpinning ISIS’ patterns of slavery means that to know variations in conflict-related sexual violence, the main focus mustn’t solely lie on understanding sure tactical, opportunistic and social components that incite such violence. It additionally requires an appreciation of the group’s rationale that creates the context wherein conflict-related sexual violence might be justified. Inspecting the ideological fundaments of terrorist teams that resort to sexual violence could present a useful start line for additional evaluation.
Notes
[1] Zeynep Kayna. Iraq’s Yazidis and ISIS. LSE Center East Centre Report (2009). Retrieved from: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/102617/1/Kaya_yazidis_and_isis_published.pdf, p. 7.
[2] United Nations Human Rights Council. They Got here to Destroy”: ISIS Crimes Towards the Yazidis. A/HRC/32/CRP.2 (15 June 2016). Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/Paperwork/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoISyria/A_HRC_32_CRP.2_en.pdf, p. 3.
[3] Amnesty Worldwide. Escape from Hell: Torture and Sexual Slavery in Islamic State Captivity in Iraq. London: United Kingdom (2014). Accessible at: https://www.amnesty.org/obtain/Paperwork/MDE140212014ENGLISH.pdf.
[4] Gina Vale, “Liberated, not free: Yazidi girls after Islamic State Captivity,” Small Wars & Insurgencies 31, no. 3 (2020): 511-539, p. 512.
[6] Sarah Al Boukhary, “Daesh, or the Islamic State of Ultrapatriarchy: Analysing the Sexual and Gender-Primarily based Violence Manifestations within the Self-Proclaimed Caliphate”, Ladies towards Warfare System, no. 4 (2018), p. 98.
[7] Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence and the Making of ISIS”, Survival 57, no. 3 (2015): 57-78, p. 58; Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence”, p. 2.
[8] Klaus Schlichte and Ulrich Schneckener, “Armed Teams and the Politics of Legitimacy”, Civil Wars 17, no. 4 (2015): 409-424, 416.
[9] United Nations Safety Council, “Decision 1820: Ladies and Peace and Safety”, S/RES/1820 (19 June 2008). Retrieved from: https://undocs.org/S/RES/1820(2008).
[10] Carlo Koos, “Sexual violence in Armed Conflicts: Analysis Progress and Remaining Gaps”, Third World Quarterly 38, no 9 (2017): 1935-1951; United Nations, “Battle-Associated Sexual Violence: Report of the United Nations Secretary-Common”, S/2020/487 (3 June2020). Retrieved from: https://reliefweb.int/websites/reliefweb.int/recordsdata/assets/S_2020_487_E.pdf.
[11] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Variation in Sexual Violence Throughout Warfare”, Politics & Society 34, no. 3 (2006): 307-342, p. 331.
[12] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Armed Teams and Sexual Violence: When is Wartime Rape Uncommon?”, Politics & Society 37, no. 1 (2009): 131-161, p. 132; Dara Kay Cohen, Amelia Hoover Inexperienced, and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, Wartime Sexual Violence. USIP Particular Report. Retrieved from: https://www.usip.org/websites/default/recordsdata/assets/SR323.pdf.
[13] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Apply of Warfare: Towards a Typology of Political Violence”, Politics & Society 46, no. 4 (2018): 1-25.
[14] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Apply of Warfare: Towards a Typology of Political Violence”; Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence, Aggressive State Constructing, and Islamic State in Iraq and Syria”, Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 13, no. 2 (2019): 180-196.
[15] Mia Bloom and Hillary Matfess, “Ladies as Symbols and Swords in Boko Haram’s Terror”, Prism 6, no. 1 (2016): 104-121, p. 110.
[16] Fatima Seedat, “Sexual Economies of Warfare and Sexual Applied sciences of the Physique: Militarised Muslim Masculinity and the Islamist Manufacturing of Concubines for the Caliphate”, Agenda 30, no. 3 (2016): 25-38, p. 28.
[17] Jonathan Gottschall, “Explaining Wartime Rape”, Journal of Intercourse Analysis 41, no. 2 (2004): 129-136; Dara Kay Cohen, “Explaining Rape Throughout Civil Warfare: Cross-Nationwide Proof (1980-2009)”, American Political Science Evaluate 107, no. 3 (2013): 461-477.
[18] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Apply of Warfare”, p. 515.
[19] Jonathan Gottschall, “Explaining Wartime Rape”, p. 122.
[20] Dara Kay Cohen, “Explaining Rape Throughout Civil Warfare”, p. 462.
[21] Susan Brownmiller, Towards Our Will: Males, Ladies and Rape. New York: Simon and Schuster (1975), p. 33.
[22] Maria Eriksson Baaz and Maria Stern, Sexual Violence as a Weapon of Warfare? Perceptions, Prescriptions, Issues within the Congo and Past. London: Zed Books Ltd (2013), p. 17.
[23] Maria Eriksson Baaz and Maria Stern, Sexual Violence as a Weapon of Warfare?; Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Apply of Warfare”; Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Battle-Associated Sexual Violence and the Coverage Implications of Current Analysis”, Worldwide Evaluate of the Pink Cross 96, no. 904 (2014): 457-478.
[24] Paul Kirby, “How is Rape a Weapon of wWr? Feminist Worldwide Relations, Modes of Vital Rationalization and the Examine of Wartime Sexual Violence”, European Journal of Worldwide Relations 19, no. 4 (2013): 797-821.
[25] Nadje Al-Ali, “Sexual violence in Iraq: Challenges for Transnational Feminist Politics”, European Journal of Ladies’s Research 25, no. 1 (2018): 10-27, p. 13; Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Apply of Warfare”, p. 471.
[26] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Battle-Associated Sexual Violence and the Coverage Implications of Current Analysis”, p. 470.
[27] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence”, p. 6.
[28] Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence and the Making of ISIS”.
[29] Fatima Seedat, “Sexual Economies of Warfare and Sexual Applied sciences of the Physique”.
[30] Mia Bloom and Hillary Matfess, “Ladies as Symbols and Swords in Boko Haram’s Terror”.
[31] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Variation in Sexual Violence Throughout Warfare”, p. 332.
[32] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Apply of Warfare”; “Battle-Associated Sexual Violence and the Coverage Implications of Current Analysis”.
[33] Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence, Aggressive State Constructing, and Islamic State in Iraq and Syria”; United Nations Human Rights Council, ““They got here to destroy”: ISIS Crimes Towards the Yazidis”.
[34] Amnesty Worldwide. Escape from Hell: Torture and Sexual Slavery in Islamic State Captivity in Iraq, p. 6.
[35] Nadia Al-Dayel, Andrew Mumford & Kevin Bales, “Not But Lifeless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”, Research in Battle & Terrorism (forthcoming), DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2020.1711590, p. 9.
[36] Gina Vale, “Liberated, not free: Yazidi girls after Islamic State Captivity”, pp. 522-523.
[37] Fatima Seedat, “Sexual Economies of Warfare and Sexual Applied sciences of the Physique: Militarised Muslim Masculinity and the Islamist Manufacturing of Concubines for the Caliphate”, p. 28; Nadia Al-Dayel et al., “Not But Lifeless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”.
[38] United Nations Human Rights Council, “Report of the Workplace of the United Nations Excessive Commissioner for Human Rights on the Human Rights Scenario in Iraq in Mild of Abuses Dedicated by the So-Known as Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant and Related Teams”, A/HRC/28/18 (13 March 2015). Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/RegularSessions/Session28/Paperwork/HRC_2_18_AUV.doc, p. 9.
[39] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “The Revival of Slavery Earlier than the Hour”, Dabiq, no. 7 (2014): 14-17, p. 17.
[40] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (2015b). “Questions and Solutions on Taking Captives and Slaves”. Retrieved from: https://www.hrw.org/information/2015/09/05/slavery-isis-rules.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices”, p. 3.
[43] Nadia Al-Dayel et al., “Not But Lifeless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”, p. 9.
[44] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “The Revival of Slavery Earlier than the Hour”, p. 14; Human Rights Watch, “Iraq: ISIS Escapees Describe Systematic Rape, Yezidi Survivors in Want of Pressing Care” (2015). Retrieved from: https://www.hrw.org/information/2015/04/14/iraq-isis-escapees-describe-systematic-rape; the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Questions and Solutions on Taking Captives and Slaves”.
[45] Amnesty Worldwide. Escape from Hell: Torture and Sexual Slavery in Islamic State Captivity in Iraq, p. 9.
[46] Gina Vale, “Liberated, not free: Yazidi girls after Islamic State Captivity,” p. 516; Ariel Ahram, “Sexual Violence and the Making of ISIS”, p. 59.
[47] Gina Vale, “Liberated, not free: Yazidi girls after Islamic State Captivity,” p. 522-523; United Nations Human Rights Council. They Got here to Destroy”: ISIS Crimes Towards the Yazidis, p. 15.
[48] Mia Bloom and Hillary Matfess, “Ladies as Symbols and Swords in Boko Haram’s Terror”.
[49] Fatima Seedat, “Sexual Economies of Warfare and Sexual Applied sciences of the Physique: Militarised Muslim Masculinity and the Islamist Manufacturing of Concubines for the Caliphate”, p. 28; Nadia Al-Dayel, Andrew Mumford & Kevin Bales, “Not But Lifeless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”, p. 13.
[50] Sarah Al Boukhary, “Daesh, or the Islamic State of Ultrapatriarchy: Analysing the Sexual and Gender-Primarily based Violence Manifestations within the Self-Proclaimed Caliphate”, p. 79.
[51] Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Questions and Solutions on Taking Captives and Slaves”.
[52] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices`’, p. 5.
[53] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Slave-girls or Prostitutes?”, Dabiq 9 (2015): 44-49, p. 48.
[54] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices`’, p. 6.
[55] Zeynep Kayna. Iraq’s Yazidis and ISIS, p. 11.
[56] The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “The Revival of Slavery Earlier than the Hour”, p. 17.
[57] Zeynep Kayna. Iraq’s Yazidis and ISIS, p. 11.
[58] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices`’, p. 4.
[59] Nadia Al-Dayel, Andrew Mumford & Kevin Bales, “Not But Lifeless: The Institution and Regulation of Slavery by the Islamic State”.
[60] The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Questions and Solutions on Taking Captives and Slaves”.
[61] the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Slave-girls or Prostitutes?”, p. 47; the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “The Revival of Slavery Earlier than the Hour”, p. 17.
[62] Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “Rape as a Apply of Warfare: Towards a Typology of Political Violence”, p. 3.
[63] Mara Revkin and Elisabeth Jean Wooden, “The Islamic State’s Sample of Sexual Violence: Ideology and Establishments, Insurance policies and Practices`’, p. 3.
[64] Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, “Slave-girls or Prostitutes?”, p. 48.
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